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Why Regulate Banks?
European Banking - The Dangers of Deregulation
Abolish The Bank of England!
Why Regulate Banks?
Why do we regulate banks? As George Benston and George Kaufman point
out in an article in the May 1996 issue of the Economic Journal,
they don't serve food that might sicken unsuspecting customers and
they don't deal in dangerous materials that might explode or cause
plagues. Rather, they provide checking accounts and investment services,
make loans, and facilitate financial transactions. Why should we
be concerned about what they do any more than we are about what
any ordinary business does?
Most economists agree that unregulated businesses generally serve
consumers and the economy best if markets are competitive. But banking
in most countries tends to be regulated. Professors Benston and
Kaufman examine a variety of valid and less valid reasons why:
One reason might be that banks produce the nation's money supply
- cheques. To protect our money, banks should not be allowed to
take great risks that might cause them to fail. But today, the central
bank controls the money supply. If people are concerned about a
bank's failing, they simply transfer their funds to another bank.
Of course a bank failure is costly to some people; but so is the
failure of any firm of comparable size.
Another possible reason is maintenance of the public's confidence
in the banking system. Unless people are confident, the argument
goes, they might all try to withdraw their funds at once. If so,
the bank will fail because it is likely to suffer losses on hurried
disposal of assets to meet the withdrawals. This argument has some
serious flaws: first, there is very little evidence that there were
'runs' on banks that were not insolvent. Runs on insolvent banks
are beneficial, as they both force the regulators to deal with the
bank and keep bad bankers from making more mistakes in a bid to
make it solvent again. Second, if bankers are afraid of runs, they
will be encouraged to manage their banks more carefully and prudently.
A third reason is that deposit insurance is provided by law or practice
by governments of most countries. If depositors are protected from
loss, they have little reason for concern. This may save them some
trouble, but it also frees some banks to take greater risks. The
cost of these risks is borne first by well run banks that have to
bail out the depositors of banks that fail by paying insurance premiums
or assessments; and second by taxpayers when the insurance agency's
funds are exhausted and the government pays the bill. But it is
not necessary or desirable for government officials to restrict
what banks do. All that is necessary is for the banks to hold sufficient
capital so that the owners bear the cost of losses and mistakes.
The government's job is to make sure that banks actually do hold
enough capital.
Prior to deposit insurance, the most important reason that banks
have been regulated in the past is political: to benefit government
officials, their friends, bankers or their competitors. Early bank
regulation took the form of restricting entry into banking to produce
monopoly banks. Governments, officials, and their friends either
owned these banks or got loans at favourable interest rates. Banks'
activities were generally restricted to benefit their competitors.
Consumers were and still are the losers.
Benston and Kaufman conclude that if there were no deposit insurance,
there would be no appropriate role for bank regulation for economic
reasons, assuming that the goal is to benefit consumers. Given deposit
insurance, the appropriate role for government regulators is to
ascertain that banks have sufficient capital to absorb most losses
and, when they do not, oversee them closely until they repair the
shortfall or cease operations with minimum, if any, loss to depositors,
the insurance agency, or taxpayers.
ENDS
Note for Editors: 'The Appropriate Role of Bank Regulation' by George
Benston and George Kaufman is published in the May 1996 issue of
the Economic Journal in the Controversy section: 'Should We Regulate
the Financial System?'. Benston is at Emory University; Kaufman
is at the Loyola University of Chicago.
For Further Information: contact RES/ESRC Media Consultant for
Economics Romesh Vaitilingam on 0171-878-2919, or authors George
Benston on 001-404-727-6123 or George Kaufman on 001-312-915-6000.
Date: 16 May 1996
European Banking - The Dangers of Deregulation Deregulation, the
diffusion of financial markets, and steps towards monetary integration
between a range of very different banking systems in Europe pose
new challenges for prudential regulation. Since the purpose is to
promote confidence in the banking system, it is vital that attention
is paid to the history, institutional arrangements and psyche of
different national banking systems - what it is that promotes confidence
in each case. Such issues tend to have been glossed over in the
push for a uniform European monetary policy. That is the message
from Sheila Dow of the University of Stirling in an article in the
May 1996 issue of the Economic Journal.
Dow takes on the proponents of deregulation and 'free banking',
arguing that the state should continue to regulate the banking system
since the money supply consists largely of bank deposits. Money
is different from other goods: it is the glue which binds the economic
process. In a world of uncertainty, we need an asset of (relatively)
certain value by which to denominate contracts, to accept as payment,
and to hold when other assets have the possibility of capital loss.
Dow notes that proposals for free banking would subject the valuation
of money itself to uncertainty. At best, she argues, historical
experience suggests that the outcome of free banking would be that
the market would respond by treating as money the liabilities only
of the largest, confidence-inspiring bank or banks. This bank or
banks would then in effect act like a central bank. At worst, generalized
free banking would cause chaos.
Historically, the state has regulated the banking system and supported
it in times of difficulty. The result has been that bank deposits
have inspired almost as much confidence as notes and coin, allowing
the banking system to expand and credit to be created to finance
economic growth. Such regulation is justified by economic theory:
the confidence in bank deposits, in their 'moneyness', is a public
good. Furthermore, without regulation, bank failures would be more
likely, threatening confidence in other banks.
Free banking proposals rest crucially on the capacity of the market
to discipline banks into pursuing prudent lending policies. But
this argument is presented at the level of individual banks, presuming
a stable financial environment. In fact, generally the risk of individual
bank failure is highest when the whole financial system is fragile,
that is, when other banks are also at risk. Fragile financial conditions
arise when the market as a whole has been over-optimistic about
asset values, a situation which would be given full rein in the
absence of regulation.
While it is true that central banks too have no easy access to
full knowledge, they are nevertheless in a position to take a global
view and influence events through a combination of regulation, supervision,
provision of a lender-of-last-resort facility and deposit insurance.
Recent debt crises in emerging markets illustrate the scope of inadequate
knowledge to allow the emergence of excessive default risk, the
significance of which can be long ignored. In that case, the market
found a solution in the regulatory and supervisory capacity (and
knowledge base) of the IMF, that is, something akin to a world central
bank.
Free banking enthusiasts suggest that Scotland's experience with
free banking in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries shows how
it could operate successfully today. But in fact, that experience
suggests that the market itself will encourage concentration in
one or a few large banks, which then operate like a central bank.
Thus, for example, during an episode when the value of smaller banks'
notes was particularly uncertain, a popular outcry led to intervention
by the largest banks.
Free bankers also point to periods of financial instability that
have arisen in spite of bank regulation. But much of that instability
was due to attempts at money supply manipulation rather than inadequate
prudential regulation. Certainly, though, there is no justification
for complacency, particularly with the prospect of the potentially
huge upheavals of European monetary integration.
ENDS
Note for Editors: 'Why the Banking System Should be Regulated' by
Sheila Dow is published in the May 1996 issue of the Economic Journal
in the Controversy section: 'Should We Regulate the Financial System?'.
Dow is at the University of Stirling.
For Further information: contact Sheila Dow on 01786-467485 (fax
01786-467469 or e-mail: s.c.dow@stirling.ac.uk) or RES/ESRC Media
Consultant for Economics Romesh Vaitilingam on 0171-878-2919.
Date: 16 May 1996
Abolish The Bank of England! The Bank of England should be abolished
and market forces unleashed to promote a safe and sound UK banking
system - 'free banking'. Such a reform would increase banks' financial
strength and make the banking system as a whole more stable. It
would also reduce the likelihood of future bank failures, diminishing
the threat of repeats of the recent Barings and BCCI fiascos. That
is the message from Kevin Dowd of Sheffield Hallam University in
an article published in the May 1996 issue of the Economic Journal.
Professor Dowd notes that it is commonly taken for granted that
the UK banking system needs the Bank of England to protect its stability.
This assumption underlies the Bank's role as guardian and lender
of last resort to the banking system and, indeed, is one of the
key justifications for its existence.
In fact, the very opposite is true. The protection that the Bank
of England provides to commercial banks reduces their incentives
to protect themselves. The anticipation of Bank support should they
get into difficulties leads banks to take more risks and make less
effort to protect their own financial heath. The result is that
bank failure crises are more rather than less likely. The Bank of
England is the cause rather than the cure for banking instability.
Dowd argues that abolishing the Bank would remove this artificial
support and force the banks to rely on themselves for their own
protection. The need to reassure depositors would then force the
banks to cultivate depositor confidence, and they could only do
so by maintaining high standards of financial safety and soundness.
Dowd's research suggests that:
There is nothing distinctive about 'money' or banking that makes
the financial services sector an exception to the general rule that
free trade is best
A safe and sound banking system can only be established by providing
incentives for banks to take responsibility for their own financial
health.
The existence of the depositor protection scheme and the lender
of last resort undermine the market forces that would otherwise
force banks to maintain their own financial health.
The Bank of England is incapable of fulfilling its largely self-appointed
role as guardian of the banking system - as confirmed by the recent
BCCI and Barings fiascos.
Most professional economists irrationally take the 'need' for a
central bank for granted, despite the fact that few of them have
ever seriously examined the arguments or evidence on the issue.
The claims that central banks are unnecessary and undermine banking
stability are supported by a wealth of historical evidence. There
are many historical instances of 'free banking' systems without
central banks, for example, Scotland prior to 1845. These systems
were considerably more stable than systems with central banks.
No system will ever provide a perfect guarantee against bank failures,
but abolishing the Bank of England would at least minimize the chances
of bank failures and minimize the collateral damage that such failures
inflict.
Dowd argues that tinkering with the present system is pointless.
Unless more radical reforms are undertaken, we can expect bank failures
to be a regular occurrence, and the Bank of England will be unable
to avert them.
ENDS
Note for Editors: 'The Case for Financial Laissez-Faire' by Kevin
Dowd is published in the May 1996 issue of the Economic Journal
in the Controversy section: 'Should We Regulate the Financial System?'.
Dowd is Professor of Economics at Sheffield Hallam University.
For Further Information: contact Kevin Dowd on 0114-255-6508 or
0114-253-3666, or RES Media Consultant for Economics Romesh Vaitilingam
on 0171-878-2919.
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